Wednesday, June 18, 2025

On a Tour of Chadron, Nebraska

 




On a Tour of Chadron, Nebraska




With my wife and a traveling companion, I was on a bus-tour of the garden spots in the Nebraska panhandle.  The bus was not particularly luxurious, more like an old school bus with hard bench seats held in place by metal pipes riveted to the vehicle’s floor.  I was born in Chadron, Nebraska and had not visited the town for many years and, so, I was excited to see that we had come to the city’s outskirts.  


We passed a small teacher’s college.  I mentioned to our traveling companion that my father had attended school at that college.  (I don’t know what moved me to say this: my father went to school at Iowa State in Ames, Iowa.)  I also said that the governor of the State of Minnesota had gone to that college – this was true, I think.  Next to the road, a big brick structure rose like a ziggurat, stepped back terraces ascending to a grim-looking tower.  The windows piercing the brick facade were all broken.  Fires had burned within the tower and soot stained the sills and window-frames.  A few hundred yards down the road, the new college stood on a steep hillside.  The buildings were made of dark cinder-colored brick, windowless with aerial patios jutting out of the structure beside long, sloping ramps.  The structures looked less like a college than an industrial facility, perhaps, a foundry.


Chadron itself occupied a crater, city streets forming a grid at the bottom of the pit where the town was built.  As tall as the Eiffel Tower, two buttes rose from the crater floor, steep pyramidal peaks.  Evidently, the city was much altered from when I had last seen it.  Of course, I remember nothing at all about my first couple months in Chadron – I was a new-born infant then.  When I was ten, my family stopped in Chadron before driving through the Black Hills of South Dakota – the Nebraska town is about 100 miles south of Rapid City.  Then, it was a sleepy village, an oasis of old elms and oaks gathered around an intersection downtown.  We visited the Lutheran Church where I had been baptized and my father took a picture of me standing next to a golden baptismal font, a streamlined vessel like one of Brancusi’s “Birds in Flight.”  Twenty-five years earlier, I drove through the town again, this time en route to Yellowstone.  The city had lost some of its old trees but was still a bucolic green place with flowering hedges and well-watered lawns.  The pine ridges with their evergreen seams and green-edged blufftops, loomed over the town, bare hay-colored slopes dissected by waterless and gravelly ravines.   


Things had changed.  Coal had been found in the hills and Chadron now had a bleak industrial aspect.  The town was full of smoke and the downtown, now a vast labyrinth of dirty warehouses and mining logistics (lots full of dirty excavators, piping, and huge trucks) lapped up against the two cone-shaped peaks.  Railroad tracks converged and diverged, crossing at the enter of big iron-laced yards full of boxcars.  Several elevated tracks ran along the length of the commercial streets and the houses looked small and besieged by the heavy industry dominating the town.  The only color that I saw in the cityscape was on a half-dozen red sedans, cars that seemed modeled on the vehicles in which gangsters made their escapes from crime-scenes.  The red sedans were taxis, apparently intended to be whimsical and I saw them lined up on there main thoroughfare under the iron stanchions holding up the elevated trains.  Some kind of monument had been raised atop one of the pyramidal peaks.  The summit of the other butte was concealed in a low-hanging fog of mist and fumes.


We lost the tour-guide on the ascent of the steep hill.  A trail, or, perhaps, road had brought us up the slope to within thirty or forty feet of the hilltop.  I scrambled up the side of the peak, climbing on all fours toward to the summit.  All went well until I turned around and looked down.  The side of the butte was sheer, a six-hundred foot drop to the base of the butte.  Suddenly, this seemed like a very dangerous place to be.  There was no way down except up – at least, this is what I perceived, so, turning away from the frightening declivity, I continued my climb and, at last, came to the summit.  A hedge of evergreens surrounded a cyclone fence that enclosed some kind of transmitter apparatus.  There was a tiny, closet-shaped hut next to the fence and the lattice of fins and antennae pointed up at the sky.  My wife had reached the top by some other, less arduous route.   She told me that she would meet me at the café at the foot of the peak, turned on her heel, and vanished.


I made my way down the hillside, skidding and sliding through the scree, then, at last, plunging down a sooty bank of coal, a vein of anthracite wrapped like a belt around the butte.  Coal dust rose under my heels jammed into the sheer hillside and I was covered in the stuff.


On the city street, traffic lurched around me.  It was so dark under the lowering storm clouds that the street lamps were illumined.  People were hurrying along the sidewalks, hustling here and there among the dismal, barren walls and lots full of pits and excavators.  The coal was close to the surface and, it seemed, that the people in Chadron were eradicating their own town to mine the stuff.  The darkness was spreading.  It occurred to me that I didn’t know the name of the café where I was supposed to meet my wife.  And it wasn’t obvious to me where the tour bus had gone.


I found a 24-hour around-the-clock breakfast place and had three eggs, bacon and sausage.

Friday, May 23, 2025

On a New Kind of Anxiety

 On a New Kind of Anxiety




As technology advances, new forms of anxiety haunt my dreams.  For the first half of my life, I lived quite successfully without a cell-phone.  A long time ago, I knew a lawyer from a big city who was on-call with respect to managing propane fire explosions.  He carried a pager clipped to his belt. Of course, doctors with similar on-call responsibilities were also available by pager, as were drug dealers.  But instant access was not required of most professionals.  When I found myself obliged to carry and use a cell-phone, probably in the late nineties, the device was an annoyance and burden to me.  I used it as little as possible.  Of course, everything has now changed.  I don’t even have a “land-line” anymore and my number isn’t listed in any telephone directory.  When a windstorm tore down an enormous branch from a backyard tree, the jagged mass of leafy, forking timber knocked out an electrical cable.  I called the utilities and asked them to inspect the fallen wire.  They told me that it was a phone line and that, since I no longer used that service, the company wouldn’t bother to send someone out to retrieve the wire.  The utilities’ workers snipped the cable, rolled it up, and took it away with them.  


In my dream, I was driving in west Kansas, east-bound across empty plains rutted with dry washes.  My small children were with me, not really sentient and only incidental, an abstract notion intended to induce worry.  I drove the car into an arroyo where it’s wheels sunk into the sand.  Abandoning the car, I drove, nonetheless (how? And in what vehicle?) to a leafy village in central Kansas.  I stopped on the grounds of a historical site, a campus of buildings where settlers had once founded an “intentional community” – that is, an utopia.  The buildings looked like churches with towers and steeples. As I was touring the utopia, I discovered that I had left my cell-phone in the vehicle stranded in the dry gulch a couple hundred miles to the west. Feeling in my pockets for the missing phone, I felt a very sharp pang of regret and, even, fear – what would I do without my cell-phone?


To my relief, I saw my eldest son, Martin, strolling along the sidewalk.  He told me that he would take the children to a motel somewhere in Iowa.  My plan was to retrace my route west, find the stranded vehicle and, then, use my cell-phone to call my son so that I could meet him at the motel.  Martin didn’t tell me how far he intended to drive or where in Iowa he was going to stop; nor did he tell me the name of the motel where he planned to spend the night.  To reach Martin’s car, we crossed the yard of a nearby grain elevator and, then, encountered a steep ramp covered in wooden shingles that we ascended.  I was panting when I reached the top of the ramp.  


Martin departed with the kids.  I suddenly remembered that I didn’t have a vehicle.  It wasn’t clear how I had reached the village in which the utopia had once existed.  I thought that I would use my cell-phone app to locate my car.  But, then, I also remembered that I didn’t have the cell-phone and couldn’t use it for anything.  Grief sapped my strength – perhaps, I had never recovered from the steep ascent up the shingled ramp.  My sorrow was so great that I was unable to do anything.  I sat on a bench with tears in my eyes.  


Somehow, I found my way back to the stranded car. It was now twilight and purple shadows stretched out across the plains.  I freed the car from the sandy gulch without difficulty and turned it eastward in the direction of Iowa.  Night fell and I drove into the darkness.  My plan was to call Martin and ask him where he was staying.  But, when I reached into my pocket, the cell-phone was not there.  Now what was I going to do?  I thought that I could make a tour of Iowa, checking at all of the motels to see if Martin and the kids were there.  But how long would this take?  The cell-phone was like a phantom limb aching in my chest, over my heart.  


I opened my eyes.  The morning was half-lit, grey, with birds singing in the trees.  I rested for a few minutes considering how I should solve the problem of the missing cell-phone.  One solution after another offered themselves, but all were infeasible.  Only after a half-hour did it occur to me that the problem didn’t require a solution.  The problem had arisen in a dream and, in fact, my cell-phone with it’s charging cable was plugged into the wall downstairs.  


But the children were lost, never to be seen again.


Tuesday, May 20, 2025

Henry Miller and Hieronymus Bosch (with an excursus on Donald Trump's second administration)

 



Henry Miller published Big Sur and the Oranges of Hieronymus Bosch in 1957.  The book is unclassifiable, a collection of sketches about life on the California coast at Big Sur.  Emerson and Thoreau’s influence looms over the book, although mostly unacknowledged.  In large part, Miller uses the text to imagine an earthly paradise, or kind of libertarian utopia, centered around the community of anarchists, eccentrics, and artists living in the Big Sur wilderness.  Expressing rage and disdain for American consumer values and conformism, Miller sets about to devise a solution to the dystopia that he perceives gripping the United States, the “air-conditioned nightmare” as he calls it in an earlier book.  Following Emerson, Miller posits that we need to transcend our dysfunctional reality by imagining a beloved community, a place of generosity and kindness and neighborliness in which the arts flourish.  Following Blake and Emerson, this project is construed as an endeavor of the imagination – we must imagine a new reality.  For Miller, as for his forbears, the imagination is sovereign – what we imagine to be true and real becomes our truth and reality in a literal way.  In this respect, Miller praises previous efforts to exercise “mind over matter”, particularly, the Christian Science of Mary Baker Eddy and the utopias at Nauvoo (Mormons and Icarians), Oneida (free love practitioners espousing “male continence), and the community at New Harmony, Indiana under the guidance of the radical industrialist, Robert Owens.  


The emblem of this new reality is Hieronymus Bosch’s large triptych (now in the Prado) that has been called “The Garden of Earthly Delights”.  No one knows what the painting was originally called.  The provenance of the picture is obscure and gruesome.  It seems to have been commissioned for a Wunderkabinett owned by Henry the Third, the Duke of Nassau (a province of the Netherlands with its principal town at Breda) that was likely painted around 1500 – the wood on which the oil painting was made has been dated by dendrochronology to between 1460 and 1464.  There is a surmise that Engelbert II of Nassau, Henry’s syphilitic uncle, was the actual party of who commissioned the triptych.  The first mention of “The Garden of Earthly Delights” appears in 1517 in a traveler’s diary.  The Duke of Nassau kept the painting in his Wunderkabinett among other curiosities.   Henry was a bon vivant – he had a huge bed made for his castle.  When his guests drank themselves into a stupor, they were unceremoniously flung into the bed to sleep it off. After Henry’s death, the painting was inherited by William of Orange.  The sadistic Duke of Alba, entrusted with maintaining Spanish hegemony over the Low Countries, was aware of the painting and coveted it.  He demanded that William of Orange, who was Protestant, surrender the triptych to him.  When William refused, the Duke of Alba mounted a genocidal war against the Protestant provinces in the Netherlands, a conflict that lasted seven years, and resulted in the division between Catholic Flanders (now Belgium) and the Protestant Netherlands.  Alba ended up with the painting after some gory episodes including the 18 month torture of one of William of Orange’s concierges responsible for protecting the picture.  The painting was shipped to Spain where it fell into the possession of King Phillip II.  The picture remained in Phillip’s palace, the Escorial (a structure modeled by the pious King off the grid-iron on which St. Andrew  was roasted) from 1592 to 1939.  The picture was, then, installed at the Prado Museum where it remains to this day with other works by Bosch.  The Nazi legal theorist Carl Schmitt, to whom we will refer later, saw the painting in the Escorial.  Schmitt was involved in diplomatic and legal negotiations with Generalissimo Franco – Schmitt’s good friend, the art historian Wilhelm Fraenger, asked him to serve as “his eyes” when he inspected the painting and wrote a description for Fraenger’s benefit.  


No one has successfully deciphered the painting’s central triptych, the famous “Garden of Earthly Delights”.  Efforts at understanding this enigmatic part of the picture are part of the triptych’s history and, in recent months, the picture is once again a cause celebre, due, in large part, to an anti-Fascist (and anti-Trump) book written by the eminent art historian Joseph Leo Koerner. But more about this anon. 


Henry Miller takes the central panel of the triptych as an emblem for the sort of earthly paradise that he imagined to exist at Big Sur.  (Interpretations of this sort ignore the left panel that shows the Garden of Eden, mysteriously full of predatory beasts, and the right part of the triptych, a horrific and spectacular vision of Hell, the so-called “Hell of the Musical Instruments” in which sinners are tormented by an army of demons and crucified on harps and lutes while reptile monsters carry a monstrous fleshy bagpipe through the flames and a choir sings from musical notes transcribed on the naked buttocks of one of the damned.) Miller derives his interpretation from a book by Wilhelm Fraenger printed in Germany in 1947 (and translated into English in 1951).  Fraenger’s treatise is referenced in the preface to Big Sur (at page x) and, then, cited, at length, at page 22 of the section of Miller’s book that he names “The Oranges of the Millennium”.  Curiously, there are no oranges depicted in “The Garden of Earthly Delights” and Miller’s reference to that fruit is a misnomer.  In the central panel, naked men and women feed one another red and blue berries (and are fed berries by giant songbirds) and several figures whirl about dancing orgiastically under a huge strawberry.  At the Escorial, the painting was called la Madrona, referring to a “strawberry tree” that grows in Spain – but this is also a misnomer, the fruit of that tree is bitter, no one can eat more than one berry; the fruit just resembles strawberries but tastes nothing like them.  Miller seems to be referring to an orange tree that appears as the Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil in another triptych painting by Bosch, “The Last Judgement” – in that image, Eve accepts an orange proffered to her by the Serpent wound around the trunk of the tree.  Miller uses a peculiar verb to describe the orange fruit on the tree – he says the tree is “diapered” with oranges.  This verb is consistent with Miller’s interest in children, particularly babies in his own family, evidenced in Big Sur.  (There are no children, except some underage girls who are statutory rape victims, in Miller’s Tropic of Cancer – by contrast, there are many children mentioned in Big Sur and, in fact, the author is involved in a custody battle in that book.)  In one episode in Big Sur, Miller walks from the post-office several miles in the rain lugging various things, including diapers for the infants at his cabin.  


Miller again quotes Fraenger later in the book, in the long central passage that he calls “Peace and Solitude: a Potpourri”.  In that text, Miller equates his neighbors at Big Sur with the hundreds of naked figures cavorting in the central panel of the painting – these figures, Fraenger says, are ‘vegetal’, rooted in the green earth, and they embrace like ‘tendrils.’  In both Tropic of Cancer and Big Sur, Miller maintains that every heaven (Big Sur) contains a hell and that the inferno (Paris in Tropic of Cancer) insulates a heaven of creativity and liberation.  Big Sur, like all landscapes, is what the mind makes of it.  Miller chooses to make Big Sur into a heaven, a paradise of creativity and loving kindness although with diabolical aspects – these are developed in the long penultimate section of the book involving Conrad Moricand, a pornographer, occultist, and astrologer, who comes to live with Miller as “the Devil in Paradise.”  Ultimately, Miller expels the noxious Moricand from paradise and Big Sur, again, is perceived as a place of peaceful prayer and blessings.  


Fraenger’s idiosyncratic interpretation of the central panel in Bosch’s “Garden of Earthly Delights” has been refuted by the iconologist Erwin Panofsky and the German art historian Hans Belting.  Panofsky interprets the image as showing antediluvian man, the kingdom of lust and violence that arose after Adam and Eve had populated the world.  This is the kingdom of human depravity that God punished be sending a flood to wipe out the sinful generations.  At Genesis 6:11, the Bible says that the world’s people were “corrupt” and “filled with violence”, a stain on the earth that God cleansed by flooding them into oblivion.  The problem with Panofsky’s interpretation is that there is no violence depicted in the lustful antics of the pale male and female figures in Garden.  So Panofsky’s analysis is ultimately unpersuasive.  Around 2008, Hans Belting, the leading German art historian, argued that the central panel of “The Garden” represented a sort of subjunctive thought experiment, a philosophie als ob (a “philosophy as if”–).  Belting points out that garden with its four rivers flowing through a strange landscape, part mineral and part vegetable, seems to derive from the description of the the garden “east of Eden” – the place where human desire, uncorrupted by sin, might flourish.  Citing the second book of Genesis, Belting speculates that Bosch was attempting to show what paradise would have been like if man had not fallen.  In this respect, he observes that Bosch would have known the garden “east of Eden” as described by the Latin vulgate as paradies voluptus –   that is, a “paradise of pleasure” as set forth in Genesis 2.  It is this paradise, a state that never actually existed, that Bosch paints in the central panel of the triptych.  (The phrase “east of Eden”, of course, was used by John Steinbeck as the title to one of his novels, the last section of which was adapted into a famous motion picture.  “East of Eden” in novel and film refers to the coastline around Monterey, California – Monterey, or the village to its south, Carmel, is said to be at the northern border of the coastal region named “Big Sur” which extends south to San Simeon.)


Both Panofsky and Belting reject Fraenger’s interpretation of “The Garden of Earthly Delights” as set forth in his book inauspiciously titled Das Tausendjaehrige Reich (The Thousand Year Reich) which echoes the Nazi phrase for the regime founded by Hitler.  Fraenger wrote the book in Berlin in 1944 when the city was under nightly bombardment.  Fraenger was a renowned art historian.  In the twenties, he wrote a book deciphering the peasant proverbs that form the subject of one of Brueghel’s most famous paintings “The Blue Coat” also known as “Netherlandish Proverbs” from 1659.  Not only an expert in the art of the Low Countries, particularly Bosch and Brueghel, Fraenger had championed Max Beckmann’s politically oriented work during the period of the twenties, the so-called “New Objectivity” (or Neue Sachlichkeit).  He was one of Germany’s most prominent scholars and a formidable prose stylist in his own right – he is influenced by Nietzsche’s writing.


Fraenger argued that the triptych was a religious icon used in the rites of a heretical sect called “the Adamites” or the “New Brethren of the Spirit.”  This sect, according to Fraenger, flourished around 1500.  The “Adamites” sought to recover the lost paradise in which Adam and Eve lived, a world without sin or corruption.  In order to accomplish this renovation of reality, they engaged in free love – that is orgiastic rites involving group sex.  Their doctrine was that Adam and Eve copulated without the stain of original sin in Paradise.  Therefore, Paradise on Earth could be restored by engaging in sacramental sex in group orgies that rejected all notions that sex and desire were in any way sinful or the cause of human corruption.  Because the “Adamites” believed themselves to be saved by Faith – they were a Protestant sect – nothing that they did could result in their damnation.  Accordingly, they were free to resurrect paradise by engaging in sexual license – by imitating Adam and Eve copulating in the Garden of Eden, they sought to turn the world in paradise.  The “Garden of Earthly Delights” triptych, thus, was an icon that was unveiled over their communal orgies.  It is easy to see why Henry Miller, an apostle of sex without guilt or shame, found Fraenger’s ideas congenial and appealing.  Hence, the citation of Fraenger’s theories in Big Sur and the reference to the “oranges of Hieronymus Bosch.”


Fraenger’s hypothesis faced several obvious objections.  The first was that the Hell panel is immediately to the right of the scenes in garden – in Bosch’s iconography, his paintings are read left to right; this means that the torments of Hell follow upon, and seem consequent to, the pleasures of the flesh shown in the central part of the picture.  (Bosch’s celebrated work “The Hay Wain” clearly models this pattern – the hay wain or wagon, emblematic of greed, covetousness, and the pleasures of the flesh seen in the picture’s central panel is dragged by demons quite literally into the third or right-hand part of the triptych, another gory depiction of Hell.)  Fraenger engaged in contorted arguments that didn’t persuade anyone, even himself it seems, to explain away the hell panel in “The Garden”.  The second, and more serious obstacle to accepting Fraenger’s thesis is that there is absolutely no evidence that a heretical sect of sex-cult Lutherans ever existed.  Simply stated, the only evidence for the existence of the Adamite sect is “The Garden of Earthly Delights”, it’s sole surviving artifact.  Fraenger explained the absence of any historical record as to the existence of the Adamites as a consequence of the inquisition and the heretical aspect of the cult’s beliefs: of course, we find no evidence of these people and their sex-cult – they could survive only in hiding and their practices were occult or underground.  The breathtaking tautological character of Fraenger’s reasoning is obvious: we know the Adamites existed because they worshiped under the banner of Bosch’s bizarre “Garden of Earthly Delights” – the sole proof that they ever walked the earth.  But, conversely, the only way we can understand and properly interpret Bosch’s painting is in light of the existence of the Adamites something proven by the painting’s iconography.  This would be laughable if not also tragic.  Under bombardment, Fraenger proposed a paradise of freedom and love as different from the brutal and oppressive Nazi regime as could be imagined.  To Fraenger, Bosch’s “Garden of Earthly Delights” proved the existence of a counter-force, an agency of resistence impelled by love, sex, and physical desire, that would ultimately defeat the inhuman Nazis.  Miller and Fraenger both interpreted “The Garden of Earthly Delights” as establishing the program for a new post-War world that would be humane, liberal, and peaceful.  


This story has an epilogue that casts a light on our present political plight under the second Trump administration.  

  

Joseph Leo Koerner is an art historian, born in Vienna (his father was a prominent Austrian artist), but educated at Yale.  He became well-known in art-historical circles for this trilogy of books on German painters: The Moment of Self-Portraiture in German Renaissance Art (about Duerer and Hans Baldung Grien), Caspar David Friedrich and the Subject of Landscape, and The Reformation of the Image (about Lucas Cranach and the Protestant Reformation).  Koerner teaches at Harvard and has been a presenter for the BBC on documentary series on Vienna and the painters of the Northern Renaissance.  (He has also made a feature film called The Burning Child). 


In 2016, Koerner published a big book on Hieronymus Bosch and Pieter Brueghel. This book has a suggestive subtitle “From Enemy Painting to Everyday Life.”  Koerner has written extensively about contemporary art and knows the South African artist William Kentridge whom he regards as an important figure.  Conversations with Kentridge led Koerner to the concept of “Enemy Painting”.  By “enemy painting”, Koerner means art that is made from a position of enmity toward what is represented.  Koerner’s understanding of Bosch and Brueghel is that these artists originated in a culture in which people imagined themselves under attack by hostile, even, demonic forces.  (The best way to understand “enemy painting” in my view is by what it is not – Impressionism, for instance, is a style of art that doesn’t adopt a hostile stance toward what it depicts; it’s not pro or con.  Seurat, for instance, or, for that matter Turner, shows the equipment of modern life – that is, aqueducts, smoke stacks, and locomotives – but doesn’t view these artifacts with hostility.)  Bosch and Brueghel understand humanity to be embattled – the devil and his demonic minions are besieging us.  Human beings are turned against themselves by the forces of sin and corruption – every individual is embattled, a person struggling through life in a condition of conflict.  In Koerner’s view, Bosch’s “Garden of Earthly Delights” is weapon of war – it’s an instrument depicting temptation and the consequences of temptation; the painting takes a stance, warning us against what it depicts.  This is a far-cry from Wilhelm Fraenger’s approach to the image (as endorsed by Henry Miller) in which the content of the painting isn’t viewed with hostility but, rather, as evidence of human potential, utopian possibilities that inhere in each of us.


Koerner’s most recent book, published in February 2025, is called Art in a State of Siege.  This book is a highly personal essay considering Hieronymus Bosch (and “The Garden of Earthly Delights”) in the context of Max Beckmann and William Kentridge’s work.  In Koerner’s analysis, Beckmann and Kentridge are also “enemy painters”; their images are not “innocent” but take a stance pro or con toward what they depict.  A remarkable aspect of this book, and Koerner’s lectures (on You-Tube) delivered in its context, is his engagement with the thought of Carl Schmitt, the Nazi lawyer and professor of jurisprudence.  Koerner views Carl Schmitt as a precursor to Trump’s authoritarian assault on the rule of law.  


Schmitt (1888 - 1985) was a professor of jurisprudence and political philosophy.  He became an enthusiastic Nazi in 1933, justifying the murders committed by the SS in the so-called “night of the long knives.”  Schmitt’s theory was that politics is governed by the distinction between friend and foe.  This means that political action revolves around defining someone or some class of people as enemies.  The definition of the enemy, by contrast, determines who will be friend or ally.  The law is secreted in the conflict between friend and foe – that is, jurisprudence is a bulwark by which allies and friends defend themselves against their enemies.  A foundational state of violence establishes enmity from which law arises to govern how people interact with their friends to defend their community against the enemy. (Schmitt follows Hobbes in this respect.) Ordinarily, law arises from political debate, legislation, persuasion, and consensus.  But periodically emergencies arise, the so-called Aufnahmezustand (“condition of exception” or “state of emergency”).  The “state of emergency” can be characterized as an exceptional and threatening incident or enemy incursion that requires the executive to declare a “state of siege.”  In a “state of siege” arising from the Aufnahmezustand (“state of exception”), the executive has absolute power and can suspend constitutional and legal protections.  An enemy attack, therefore, means that the “unitary executive” has the power to save the State by declaring a ‘state of exception’ – that is, by decreeing that ordinary constitutional principles are not applicable.  In Germany, the constitution was never formally abolished by the National Socialists – it was simply suspended after the Reichstag fire in 1933 and, then, the “state of emergency” was renewed every four years by Hitler until the “Thousand Year Reich” perished in fire and ash.   President George W. Bush, in effect, declared an Aufnahmezustand after the 9 - 11 attacks; he developed a zone of exception where constitutional prohibitions against imprisonment without due process of law or torture didn’t apply – this was the internment camp at Guantanamo Bay where alleged terrorists were detained without any of the protections of law afforded by the Constitution.  (Previous American states of siege or exception involved the Japanese-American interment in concentration camps during World War II and the detention of American citizens of German ethnicity during World War I.)  The analogy to Trump’s autocratic assault on constitutional rights is evident and derives explicitly from Schmitt’s jurisprudential theory.  Venezuelan gangs, supposedly, have invaded our country; the problem at the southern border constitutes a “state of siege”.  Therefore, the executive has the power to “save the country” by declaring an Aufnahmezustand that suspends the operation of the Constitution and its application to the “enemies” declared to be invading our country.  Kristi Noem goes before Congress and argues for suspension of habeas corpus (although she doesn’t know what the phrase means); people are detained in foreign torture-prisons without due process of law.  “He who saves his country commits no crime,” as Trump has publicly argued.  These concepts, and the rationale for them, originate in Schmitt’s legal philosophy, a body of thought that is being invoked repeatedly even as I write these words.  


When Berlin was under bombardment in 1944, Schmitt returned from Paris where he had been presiding over a round table of right-wing artists and collaborators including Jean Cocteau and Ernst Juenger.  Schmitt’s closest friend was Wilhelm Fraenger.  As Berlin burned around them, Schmitt and Fraenger escaped into discussions of Hieronymus Bosch’s paintings, including “The Garden of Earthly Delights”.  Fraenger maintained that Bosch’s painting depicted a state of grace, an ideal anarchist political order in which everyone loved everyone else and from which the idea of the enemy had been vanquished.  Schmitt saw the picture from an exactly opposite perspective – to him, the central panel in the triptych signified temptation, an aspect of liberal society that is immensely appealing and, therefore, immensely dangerous.  The dream of free love expressed by Bosch in the triptych represents a lost paradise to which all people aspire, but one that is corrupting and destructive.  


After the war, Schmitt was confined in an internment camp, awaiting a tribunal’s decision as to whether he should be “denazified”– that is, forgiven for his involvement with Hitler’s homicidal regime.  Schmitt refused to apologize and was unrepentant.  He was confined for a time at Nuremberg and threatened with trial.  During this time, Schmitt corresponded extensively with his old friend, Wilhelm Fraenger.  He asked Fraenger to secure a large reproduction of “The Garden of Earthly Delights” which he posted on the wall of his cell.  Upon his release, Schmitt was barred from teaching anywhere in Germany.  In 1962, he went to Spain and delivered a series of lectures on politics and the law supporting the Franco regime.  He returned to Germany and lived in Plettenburg in Westphalia where he continued to correspond with (and receive visits from) Ernst Juenger and the great student of Hegel, Alexander Kojeve.   


Koerner’s book Art in a State of Siege addresses how artists might respond to an authoritarian regime. Bosch and Brueghel’s paintings were responses to the power and authority of the Catholic (and Lutheran) churches.  Max Beckmann spent the last half of his life opposing the Nazi regime which had declared his work Entartete or “degenerate”.  William Kentridge’s practice arose initially in the “state of emergency” declared by the Republic of South Africa when it was under international attack for its policies of legal apartheid.  Koerner gave one of his first lectures on Bosch and Brueghel in 2009 at Harvard on the day that President Obama was inaugurated.  Koerner said that, thankfully, the idea of art in a state of siege (Aufnahmezustand) would become obsolescent and he could move on to studying happier subjects.  But history ambushed him.  He delivered the A. W. Mellon lectures in 2016 with the Trump presidency looming and spoke at length about Carl Schmitt, Fraenger, and Bosch. He has said that he regards his most recent book as his duty, as a task that is an obligatory gesture of resistance based on Trump’s declaration that we now live under a perpetual “state of exception.”  


May 20, 2025

Tuesday, May 13, 2025

Road Trip: at Flagstaff -- Wupatki and Sunset Crater

 Road Trip: Flagstaff  - Wupatki and Sunset Crater



1.

Here is a paradox: the older you get, the more rest you need.  But, the older you are, the harder it is to sleep.  Aches and pains keep you awake; worse, the monkey-mind races, sorting through old grievances, propounding worries, and, then, teasing you into impasses made from shame, fear, and disgust.  It’s like the little box canyon uphill from the powwow grounds in Gallup, a draw clogged with fine, powdery sand the color of snow, stubby cliffs to the right and left that begin as low drifts of rock secured by tangles of sage and mesquite, but, then, rise imperceptibly to hip-high walls, then, cliffs that are above your head, and, at last, a sheer stone brink blocking your way, broken sandstone rims of rock that are not impressive, or beautiful in any way (this isn’t Antelope Canyon) but just too high and crumbly to ascend.  Life is movement.  You forge ahead, stumbling through the powder, either snow or dust that has accumulated underfoot, and, at last, find yourself in a walled pit.  


So, resting in the bed under “heaven,” I am awake before I should be.  There’s no point leaving this morning before dawn since the national monument that I intend to visit doesn’t open until 9:00.  The place is only 31 miles a way and, so, I loiter in the room, read a novel (The Savage Detectives) and some poems by the Polish writer Wislawa Szymborska.  I leave at 8:00 pm – with a stop for breakfast, this should get me to the Visitor Center a little after it opens.


2.

At the Burger King on old Highway 66, I’m squirting some ketchup on hashbrowns, seated in my car, when I see some slight misfortune developing in front of the strip mall nearby.  The mall is shabby, with blind, dead shops, but anchored by a laundromat that is very much alive – despite the early hour, people are coming and going and I can see customers folding laundry behind the dusty floor to ceiling windows at the front of the place.  A crippled man is hobbling across the parking lot, a shaggy desert rat in torn clothes shuffling behind his battered walker.  A fat Hispanic woman hauls her basket of laundry from inside the laundromat, raises the back of her SUV to slide the clothes inside, and, then, gets distracted by her small child who has ventured out into the lane fronting the mall facade.  She hurries forward, take the child by the hand, and pulls the kid into the SUV, getting behind the steering wheel and, then, putting the van in gear.  She has forgotten to pull shut the trunk or rear door to the van and, as she starts forward, the wing of the door hinged to the top of the SUV remains open.  


The crippled desert rat observes the SUV starting forward with its back gate open and gestures to the woman, then, pushes his walker forward in the hope of catching up with her.  The woman sees the old drunk approaching, eyeing his figure in her side-mirror, and concludes that no good can come from an encounter with this man.  So she accelerates forward and turns sharply to pull onto the highway with the SUV wide open at its rear.  The old man stops dead on the asphalt and glares at the SUV as it shows brakelights, pausing before the woman pulls onto the highway.


What happens after this?  Who knows?  Perhaps, at the first stoplight, the woman will sense that something is wrong or some other motorist will honk at her or, perhaps, as she accelerates on the green, her brassieres and panties, her dresses and blouses and sweaters and socks will spill out all over the road.   

 

3.

I turn at the sign that tells me that I am 81 miles from the Grand Canyon.  This is Highway 89, north - south running across the high, vast, and empty Colorado plateau.  There are four-lanes where the road leaves Flagstaff and the speed limit is 70, then, 75, and the highway is smooth and fast as ice, frictionless as I ascend through the tall pines and meadows up to a long, elegant ridge too dry for forest and, therefore, all grassland.  The enormous white flank of the San Francisco Peaks rises to the west, glacial cirques overhead, and canyons full of snow dangling off the sides of the white tower, and an intricate terrain of cinder cones and lava fields lies to the east.  Emerging from the trees at the top of the peak’s long, tilted shoulder, the country opens up before me, brown plain sloping very slightly downhill and extending to the horizon, a treeless steppe marked with cairns of broken rock and a low trapezoidal buttes.  It seems as if you can see for fifty miles and the land appears to be totally empty.  It’s a spectacle that lifts the heart.  


4.

The turn-off toWupakti is below the ridge and the border of the national monument land is only a few yards east of the highway.  A good blacktop road runs in that direction across the chaparral, dipping around big, bald bluffs rising as foothills to the black volcanic plateau above.  (When I was here twenty years ago, the roads were graded gravel.)  Some cut-offs wind toward indistinct outcrops that might be extruded patches of lava or ruins – it’s hard to ascertain in the grey-green distance.  It’s still early, twenty minutes to nine when the visitor center opens, and, so, I take one of the side-roads north a couple miles to some broken walls and a tower like a (mostly) square-cut yellow dog-tooth built atop a squat pedestal of natural rock.  The structure stands about a hundred yards from a little parking lot, across terrain strewn with chipped and crumbling sandstone blocks.  Unlike Homolovi, I don’t see any conspicuous sprays of shards in the pebbles and dirt around the outcrop. 


The ruin is called Wukoki – the names are Hopi – and looks like a fortress.  The tower is partly intact, about 15 feet tall with an elegantly curved wall that skirts the edge of the low cliff on which the place is built.  I suspect that the tower was defensive and, probably, aligned to establish line-of-sight contact with the other pueblos scattered across the rocky, rolling terrain.  A sidewalk encircles the ruin, stranded like a ship on the desert, and in the lea of the sun raking across the land, where the shadows of the walls fall across the trail, it is cold, wintry and dark – the high elevation and thin air and the chill coming from the ground at this time of day create a mountain-top aspect to the pueblo.  I admire the builders’ audacity; they have stacked several stone-block walls atop fissures in the Moenkopi sandstone formation.  One of the walls seems to almost arch across the rift in the stone.  Under the prow of the ruin, gullies run down to a watercourse clogged with white sand and tumbleweed.  I am completely alone.


5.

The most impressive pueblo in the Monument sits on a flat sandstone terrace extruded from a steep bluff like the paw of a sphinx.  This is the Wupatki ruin that gives the park its name, another long sailing vessel made from red rock, that seems, run aground on a ridge that flanks a shallow sandy canyon between the Visitor Center and the structure.  A kiva with bench is cut into the side of the ridge under the parapets of the pueblo that is a maze of stone cells with walls rising two or three stories above the structure’s stone base.  At the bottom of the hill, where the terrace-paw drops steeply into the gulch, there is a perfectly round enclosure, formed from cut blocks that are about waist-high.  This is a rare feature, a ball-court.  A few yards to the side of the ball-court, there’s a sort of target-shaped lid built from concrete and brick over a blow hole.  (This masonry box over the pit was built in 1965 by the park service.)  This is a deep fissure down into maze of lava tubes, cracks and caves that underlies the featureless plateau surface.  True to its name, the blow-hole is puffing a gust of air out of the guts of the earth, a steady plume of chill wind rising over the opening carved in the concrete shield over the chimney dropping down into the caves.  It’s impossible to know whether the ball-court and pueblo was built here because of the shaft alive with the earth’s breath or whether this feature developed later, eroding down into the caverns measureless to man under the nondescript round-shouldered gully after the village was abandoned.  In other words, no one can tell whether the site’s proximity to the blow-hole is intentional or, merely, fortuitous.  Since air is expelled from the shaft according to barometric pressure, this sort of feature could be used to predict the weather and, perhaps, as an indicator of rain – but whether the blow-hole had any significance of that sort is unknown.  The Moenkopi sandstone in this place is weirdly anthropomorphic.  Tangles and contorted heaps of eroded stone look like the figures in the Laocoon.  Some of the rock is honeycombed with big fist-sized cavities that imitate the eye-sockets on gargantuan grey-yellow skulls.


When discovered by ranchers, this ruin was surprisingly intact, notwithstanding its abandonment 750 years ago.  (I am unable to avoid the offensive nomenclature of “ruins” and “abandonment;” and, of course, the Hopi were well aware of the place with some families tracing their ancestors to site.) The first park-ranger guarding the ruins, lived with his wife and children in a couple rooms in the pueblo over which a roof had been built and plank siding affixed to the ancient walls.  The ranger’s wife wrote a memoir about her experiences in this remote place in the 1920's; you can buy copies of the book in the Visitor Center.    


In Hopi tradition, the name “Wupatki” means “where he cut a long thing.”  The reference was to some sort of dispute in which a tribal leader denounced other members of the clan for failing to abide by proper ritual, good manners and etiquette – the Hopi have a highly developed code of social conduct.  To draw attention to his concern that here life was proceeding out of balance, the man is said to “have cut a long thing”, a gesture of disapprobation.  


In the Visitor Center museum, there are some display cases full of decaying wicker baskets alongside polychrome pottery.  This village was apparently a trade-hub here under the San Francisco Peaks – ceramics associated with 14 other cultural groups have been identified in the rubble around the pueblo and there are seashells, quill-work objects, cut and polished abalone beads threaded on necklaces, and copper bells from old Mexico.  I ask the Indian park ranger about pottery shards at the site, noting that I had seen vast amounts of broken ceramic at Homolovi.


“Oh, it’s been picked over,” the ranger says, “but a lot’s still out there.  When it rains, the stuff comes out of the ground.  But I turn the shards over so they just look like pebbles.  You don’t want to tempt people.”


The volcanic eruption at Sunset Crater in the 11th century left the high desert drowned in thick, black ash.  The ash retained water and, for a hundred years, made fertile soil where the people raised squash and maize.  As many as two-thousand people lived in pueblos on the plateau, but, perhaps, this was too large a population for an environment that is essentially without any source of reliable water.  The inhabitants of the pueblos moved away around 1250.  Wupatki, the largest complex in the area, has more than 100 rooms and the ball-court, built on the model of Hohokam structures in the Phoenix valley, is the farthest north structure of this kind.  


6.

Other sites can be visited.  All of them are distinct and have unique features and their own aura, as it were.  The barren ground here has been extensively surveyed and studied.  In the ten mile radius of the Visitor Center, archaeological sites are densely distributed.  There are said to be 100 sites per square miles, mostly a patchwork of trails, pithouses, caches and granaries together with hunting pens and antelope ambush sites and a network of cultivated fields visible along shallow acequia.  


Lomaki and Box Canyon preserves three masonry structures built at the edge of jagged, zigzag gash in the plain.  The crack in the steppe is about twenty feet deep and the three buildings, each separated from the others by about a quarter mile are set on very edge of the crevasse.  “Lomaki” means “beautiful” in Hopi and the largest structure made from elegant orange sandstone was once two stories high.  The walls step up to high ledge overlooking the sheer-walled black crack in the desert. On distant ridges, cairn-shaped heaps of masonry marks other ruins.  Two smaller block-houses stand with walls backed up to the very brink of the dry canyon.


Water, of course, dictated this building site.  Apparently, snow run-off and rain could be impounded in the little gorge splitting the relatively flat plateau.  From this location, the peaks of the mountains to the southwest, all buried in radiant snow, are readily visible.  


We don’t know what the people who farmed here thought about the mountains, although, it is likely that vestiges of their beliefs remain in the Hopi imagination.  To the Hopi, the San Francisco peaks were the dwellings of powerful supernatural beings, not exactly gods, but saints with the power to intervene in human affairs.  The Hopi call these beings katsinam, a work anglicized as kachinas.  The kachinas live in the clouds and mist sometimes tangled around the high thorn of the peaks.  In February, they descend to the Hopi villages and appear as masked dancers in elaborate regalia.  At intervals durng the first six months of the year, the kachinas stalk the earth and interact with villagers.  They are relied upon to make the corn grow and bring water to the land.  After a final festive appearance in early July, they retreat to the peaks again, as if to avoid the worst heat of the summer, concealing themselves among the grey and white rainclouds that swirl around the mountaintops from which the snow is mostly melted.  


Kachina lore is an important part of the spiritual practice of the Hopi (and, to a lesser extent, the Zuni and other tribal groups in the region.)  Hopi craftsmen made small dolls as replicas for the kachina-beings, each figure carefully equipped with the spirit’s characteristic dance regalia and elaborate, towering mask.  Of course, tourists were fascinated by these figures and, by 1900, the Hopi and other tribal groups were manufacturing kachina-dolls as curios for tourists.  Some of these figures are exceptionally well-crafted, detailed with respect to their buck-skin shirts embroidered with bead and quill-work and fringed with tassels.  The surreal masks crowning these little figures are blocky, intricately designed headdresses that seem to represent not only the attributes of the specific kachina but, even, the village or pueblo in which the being appears.  Some of kachinas have antennae like insects or the bulbous eyes of dragonflies; others such as badger and bear spirits have blunt noses and formidable jaws; some represent abstract forces of nature – lightning or rain or snow or wind.  In famous dance rituals, the masked kachinas would march in trance-like processions singing and writhing as they shuffled forward, sometimes, their arms wreathed in coiled snakes. 


To the Hopi, this is the fourth World.  Creation is cyclical.  Everything made dissolves or melts away like the snow.  In the beginning, the sun created the first world, a fissure in the earth filled with winged insects who were the only sentient beings in existence.  The insect people suffered in their dark chasm and so the Spider Grandmother planted something like a maize seed in the upper reaches of their dark grotto.  The maize plant grew upward and pierced into the second world.  The insects clawed their way up and out of the fissure to a new existence as bears and wolves in the second creation.  But these beasts were violent and tore one another apart and, so, the Spider Grandmother planted another corn seed and the bears and wolves ascended on the green plant into the third world where these animals were transformed into people.  Spider Grandmother sent the hummingbird to teach them how to use the fire drill and gave them the law.  But the people were cruel to one another and selfish and so Spider Grandmother planted bamboo and the shoots from that plant grew upward and pierced through the soil, flowering in the fourth world.  A cataclysm wracked the third world, a flood (in some versions) or a volcanic eruption or, even, perhaps, meteor striking the earth.  The survivors of the third world climbed the bamboo shoot into the fourth world, the creation in which we now live – the sipapu or orifice through which the people ascended to the fourth world is the Grand Canyon.  In the fourth world, Spider Grandmother decreed more laws for the people and taught them how to live together.  When a drought gripped the land, the people heard the sound of copper bells tinkling amidst the San Francisco peaks, then, a sound of feet pounding on the clay and drums pulsing – these were kachinas, beings created to guide humans, and they came down from their mountain heights and walked among the people and showed them the useful arts and crafts and brought rain from the high country to quench their thirst and make the corn grow.  


As long as the relations between the kachinas and the people are cordial, mankind will thrive.  But when there is enmity with the kachinas, the fourth world may come to an end.  The sentinel guarding the passage between the fourth and fifth worlds is Masauwa, the skeleton man and fire-keeper.  He wears a hideous mask but it is studded with jewels and, although no one has seen behind the mask, this spirit is reputed to be the most hansome man in the world.  Masauwa protects the four tablets of the law which establish right conduct in the world.  He has told the people to watch for the coming of Pahana, the lost White brother who has gone to the east but will return again one day in a canoe that has crossed the seas.  


7.

A mile or so from the Lomaki pueblos, on the south side of the entrance road, a small ruin called Nalakihu sits along a short trail next to the parking lot.  The name means “lone house” or “house standing outside the village.”  The place was built under a steep-sided mesa with a thorny crown of crooked, fierce-looking basalt rising about a hundred feet above the structure.  Nalakihu was relatively intact to the extent that it was roofed and several rooms used as visitor center for the park ninety years ago.  (These improvements have now been removed and the structure is now just some walls erected into a corner gaping open to the sky.)


A trail leads around the back of the mesa and to its top where a larger pueblo, called the Citadel once stood.  The place has ramparts primarily composed of crooked-looking black basalt sutured together by a matrix of pink and yellow-orange limestone mortar.  At the top, the sun is merciless although this is a cold day.  Some tourists are scuffing their toes on the savage, fanged rocks.  A couple hundred yards farther to the south, an immense sinkhole forms a cavity on the plateau.  The Citadel looks down into this abyss, a square pit like a colossal elevator shaft into which huge blocks of sandstone seem to be descending slowly to the center of the earth.  The sinkhole is dry with sheer black walls and it looks like the mouth of an oven.  Beyond the abyss, ten miles away, the pyramidal black cone at Sunset Crater rises into the sky.


8.   

Approached from the north, across the corrugated table-land at Wupatki, Sunset Crater is shapely, a dark, symmetrical peak like a witch’s cap.  At closer range, the mountain assumes a yielding, pillowy aspect and, viewed from other angles, is more complex, a rounded double shell of cinders and ash, open like a conch-shell at its top.  The dune-like sides of the dark pyramid are tinted red and pink.  The edges of the open crater, partly visible as a swale in the side of the mountain, are the color of cooked salmon.


The cone is the result of an eruption between 1050 A.D. and 1125 A.D.   The dates aren’t exact and it’s probable that the fissure vent from which the peak grew spewed out lava and hot ash for a number of years.  We know that the area was inhabited when this happened and the spectacle must have been impressive, and memorable, to the people in the pueblos in the area.  


The National Monument road runs through hideous lava fields heaped up around the base of the cone.  Once, there were popular hiking trails to the thumb-print of the crater atop the pyramid of cinders.  But the mountain is as soft and yielding as it looks from the road.  Generations of hikers ground a diagonal trench into the side west and north sides of the peak.  Rain sluiced down the manmade gulch and widened it.  When the trail was finally closed, flash floods and boots had ripped a gash in the cone 60 feet wide and waist-deep.  The fading scar on the slope of the cone is still readily visible, a faint but obvious slash across the cheek of the mountain.


It wasn’t only the feet of hikers that imperiled the cinder cone.  In 1928, a crew from Paramount Pictures arrived in Flagstaff about 30 miles to the south.  The crew was scouting locations for a movie called Avalanche directed by Otto Brower.  Avalanche was based on a novel by the Arizona author, Zane Grey.  At the book’s climax, a landslide interrupts a duel between feuding brothers, tearing up a cabin where they are fighting.  Brower’s crew proposed to plant dynamite all along the rim of the reddish cone and blow the thing up.  They had no doubt that properly positioned explosive charges would produce an impressive landslide.  This plan leaked to the public and the citizens of Flagstaff were incensed at the concept of blowing up a local landmark.  Led by H. S. Colton, a geologist associated with the Museum of Northern Arizona in Flagstaff mounted a protest and, after a few days, the Paramount second-unit crew retreated back to Hollywood without detonating the mountain.  


Avalanche was released 1929 with good reviews.  Apparently, the film crew found another hillside slope near San Francisco that they could destroy with dynamite.  People who saw the movie proclaimed the climax as spectacular – a contemporary review notes that a whole mountain is shown in a great avalanche.”  The Russian actress Olga Baclanova played the love interest.  (She’s most famous today for appearing as the mutilated “hen-woman’ hybrid at the end of Tod Browning’s Freaks.)  Brower, the director, made many movies, most notably The Phantom Empire (1935), a serial starring Gene Autrey, the singing cowboy.  (When I was a child, my brother and I attended matinee movies in St. Peter with our cousins who lived in that town.  I recall that there usually twenty minute episodes from The Phantom Empire, in badly abraded and scarcely legible prints, preceded the Elvis Presley features that we saw in the theater.)


A trail loops around the edges of the lava field northeast of the cinder cone, an impassable house-high labyrinth of jagged, black rock.  Some stations along the trail mark points of interest.  Some felled ponderosa pines lie in the rubble.  Ponderosa pine don’t grow upward or outward, but rather propagate in a spiral pattern and so the fallen trees show twisting grooved whorls in their cross-sections – this sort of growth, coiling to the right is called a dextral growth pattern.  Another tree, stripped of its bark, stands amidst the trenches and palisades of black rock.  This tree gestures like a monster, pale as a ghost, with elbows extending out from the top of the dead tree, hands sheared off by the calamity surrounding the apparition on all sides. “Hornitos” (or ovens) are small fumarole cones, rounded domes of black boulders and slag that once spattered lava in pinwheels like roman candles around their vents.  There are a number of these features at the edge of the lava field, mostly imploded and collapsed into themselves like boils that have been lanced.  


The people who lived in the vicinity visited the lava field when it was still veined with fire and spitting magma.  For some reason, they used sticks to push corn cobs into the lava, then, retrieving casts of the kernels burnt in the molten rock.  These corn casts have been found at various locations in the ruins of pueblos, sacred mementos of the eruptions at Sunset Crater or Palatswa as the Hopis named the place.  


The Hopi assign a specific Kachina (katsina) to the crater and its girdle of slag lava fields.  This is Qa’na katsina, a being whose role is to restore life to balance after catastrophes.  The Zuni, more secretive, won’t talk about their beliefs and traditions about the eruption.  It’s their understanding that if you talk about bad things or dwell on past calamities, you disturb the order of the universe and, thus, cause those events to happen again.    


9.

Back in Flagstaff, I follow directions on my phone to the Museum of Northern Arizona.  The route takes me through forests and meadows on the southwest flank of Mount Elden.  The boulevards are pleasant and run past nice houses in the shade of majestic ponderosa, golf courses, and hillsides where rocky boulders brood like idols in the gloom.  


The museum is a chalet, built in the Spanish manner with heavy walls built from field stone and a roof covered in rounded orange tiles.  Only a few yards from the entrance to the museum, a gorge wild with thirty foot cliffs and slick-looking boulders sluices the Rio de Flag down the side of the mountain.  The little black canyon is crooked like a stroke of lightning and the stream runs as a white zigzag thread over fallen rocks in the shadow of the basalt palisaded cliffs.  


(The Rio de Flag has its source a few miles away in a spring that gushes from the side of the mountain.  The stream must have been christened after the town was founded.  When the village in the highlands under the San Francisco peaks was established, someone is supposed to have hacked off the boughs of a ponderosa pine to turn the tree into a naked vertical shaft on which a flag was tied – the so-called “flagstaff” that gives its name to the place.)


The museum of much larger than it seems from the vantage near the little black canyon. In fact, the structure consists of two courtyards, each surrounded by museum galleries.   


In the first big hall, I am surprised to encounter a large case in which two mural fragments are displayed.  These are patches of fresco from the kiva paintings discovered at the destroyed Awatovi (sometimes “Awa’tovi”) pueblo on the Hopi Second Mesa.  The murals are enigmatic, protected by glass like specimens on a huge microscope slide.  The surface of the glass runs quicksilver with reflections and I’m not able to take a picture of the paintings because the light from the windows and room pours over the images in a chaotic way.  Perhaps, the mural fragments’ resistance to photography is significant, an intentional concatenation of factors that keeps me from picturing the shattered images and protects them as mysterious and sacred.  I can’t really tell what I am seeing: against a grey-yellow background, the color of desert at twilight or dawn, some feet mounted on crooked legs seem to be stomping out a rhythm; there are abstract zigzags and lightning bolts, a cascade of feathers, something like a pale mask dotted with obsidian-black eyes.  No matter how hard I try to focus on the pictures, concentrating on the imagery, the thing eludes me.  The vegetable dye colors are faded but still bright enough to look like flowers erupting out of cactus after a monsoon rain.  


The Hopi are skittish about Awatovi.  Although they are culturally far less secretive and paranoid than their neighbors, the Zuni, Hopi elders prefer not to say much about Awatovi.  The enormous ruin on a windswept mesa top is not open for tours.  Bad things happened at the place and, unlike the other empty villages that the Hopi regard as waystations for their ancestors and still vibrant with life, Awatovi is, indeed, abandoned and, in fact, a ruin by all accounts.  “Hopi” means something like “the peaceful people” – but the story of Awatovi contradicts cultural norms; what happened at the village wasn’t peaceful at all and the Hopi regard Awatovi’s history with both shame and dismay.


Founded in about 1325 (although some accounts date the place to the 12th century), Awatovi was a very large pueblo.  Excavated by Harvard archaeologists between 1935 and 1939, the villager contained 1300 rooms – a half million shards of pottery were discovered in the rooms and tons of other artifacts.  When the village was destroyed in 1700, the people’s stuff was just left lying in the ashes with their bones scattered by wolves and coyotes.  


The pueblo enters Western history in 1540 when Coronado, occupying some villages of the Zuni eighty miles away dispatched Pedro de Tovar to the Hopi nation.  (Coronado, the Spanish conquistador, was looking for the seven cities of Cibola, an El Dorado of gold and silver.) Tovar didn’t find any appreciable mineral wealth at Awatovi and the villages in its vicinity and, so, he reported to Coronado that there was nothing significant on the First, Second, and Third Mesas.  Forty years passed before the Catholic priests began missionary work at Awatovi.  The Hopi had intricate religious traditions involving kachina spirits that visited their villages each Spring, descending from the snow-capped San Francisco peaks and they weren’t particularly impressed by Christian doctrine – that is, before the missionary, Father Porres, performed a notable miracle.  A boy, blind from birth, was brought to the priest.  He applied a silver cross to the boy’s eyes and, immediately, the child could see.  This seemed proof to the Hopi that the Catholics had magical powers and, so, many people in Awatovi converted to the new faith.  Indeed, so many villagers became Christians that the converts built a church directly atop the town’s largest kiva, in the process burying the colorful murals in the underground chamber and, incidentally, preserving them from destruction.  A rift formed between the Hopi traditionalists and the Catholic converts and there was serious dissension in the village.


In 1680, the pueblos across the Southwest rose in revolt against the Spanish priests.  A missionary and some lay brothers were killed at Awatovi and the rebellion exposed a deep schism between Catholics and traditionalists.  The Spanish returned, putting down the rebellion in 1695 and restoring the church at the pueblo.  Traditionalists were entrenched in the other villages on the Hopi mesas and, ultimately, warriors in an alliance representing the old religion attacked Awatovi in 1700.  The Christians were treated as dangerous sorcerers – the town was destroyed, the men and boys hacked to pieces as witches as well as all women who had been baptized.  The unbaptized women and girls were spared and distributed as slaves among the other Hopi villages.  Awatovi was cursed, thought to be an abode of ghosts, and the Hopi avoided the place.


During the excavations between 1935 and 1939, trenches were cut into the gravel beneath the wrecked Catholic church.  An underground vault was discovered, the old kiva, and the archaeologists were amazed to discover murals on the crypt walls picturing life-size supernatural beings.  The murals had been painted and repainted over hundreds of years – some parts of the fresco were built up from 27 layers of plaster and pigment.  Peeled from the walls, parts of the kiva mural ended up in Harvard’s Peabody Museum and the Museum of Northern Arizona in the Watson Smith collection.  The story of Awatovi, although, of course, well understood by the Hopi, was not generally known until the early fifties.  World War and massacre in Europe intervened and it wasn’t until 1952 that some of the Harvard excavation findings were published.  The enormous collection of artifacts extracted from Awatovi wasn’t fully collected and reported until the mid-seventies.   


10.

The Museum is spacious and mostly empty, no visitors on this chilly afternoon, and, as I wander the galleries, the light outside fades and the shadows of the mountains are icy and grey, leaching the color from the world.  


Pots and other ceramics dominate the collections but there are weapons, regalia, and, of course, many kachina figures.  (One of them is called ‘Chavayo’, the so-called Awatovi ogre, a monster carrying a whip made of fronds who lashes Hopi who have betrayed their traditional culture and espoused Christianity – once the figure was feared, but he is now akin to a Hopi clown, equipped with an equally grotesque and sadistic ogre-wife.)  The Hopi are renowned for their jewelry fashioned from silver and turquoise.  Yet, it is interesting to consider that the Hopi didn’t make jewelry of any kind until 1898 when the Navajo artisan Sitsomovi taught a man named Sikyatala how to forge silver for jewelry.  For the first 44 years, all Hopi jewelry followed Navajo patterns.  The Navajo, under Spanish and Mexican influence, had become expert craftsmen in silver and carried on an extensive and lucrative trade with tourists.  The museum worker, a man named Virgil Hubert thought that it would be beneficial for the Hopi to have their own distinctive style of silverworking craft.  So Hubert adapted Navajo techniques to his own designs that he provided to the Hopi community.  Today, the Hopi are famous for their jewelry work as well.  


11.

Near this area, a forest fire ravaged the hills beginning on July 19, 2021.  A contractor excavating for tile lines in the Dry Hills about a mile north of Flagstaff drove a metal shovel blade into a buried boulder.  Sparks flashed from the metal scraping the rock and a fire was ignited, although the blaze didn’t really flare out of control for about 14 hours.  When the winds picked-up, the hillsides above the Museum of Northern Arizona burned, charring a total of 1961 acres.  At the peak of the fire, more 600 “hot shots” battled the blaze.  The scarred hillsides are now being extensively terraced and re-surfaced with the arroyos re-sculpted to sluice water down the slopes in such way as to avoid flash flooding, mudslides, and rock falls.  


The fire alarmed the local Hopi children living in Flagstaff.  They saw the mountain heights directly under the San Francisco peaks ablaze and the smoke billowed toward the summits, obscuring them in noxious haze.  The children expressed fear that the katsinam (the kachinas) would be harmed by the fire and the clouds of billowing smoke.  At the museum, an artist painted a picture to reassure the children.  It hangs on the wall, a big image of a sea of flames surging up toward the peaks where the smoke forms into a vast kachina, a towering figure from which there dangle jingle bells and ornate fringes of feather and quillwork.  The masked kachina has welcomed the firefighters and is helping them put out the fire.  


The situation is less benign in another big and colorful canvas.  The Hopi elders were unhappy when a corporation built the Arizona Snow Bowl ski area in a hollow high above town on the west side of the San Francisco Peaks.  Skiers were intruding into the realm of the katsinam.  Things became even more controversial when it was learned the ski resort was conserving fresh water by recycling waste water through its snow-making machines.  Even at high altitudes, snow isn’t reliably present in this part of the world and, so, big cannon-shaped snow-making machines are deployed on the slopes.  The Hopi were offended that water tainted with urine was being blasted onto the mountain in the form of snow.  The heights were sacred and, even though the water had been heavily treated and sanitized before being condensed into snow, the process was thought to be offensive to the kachinas and sacrilegious.  Of course, the operators of the Snow Bowl felt that they were being good stewards of the land, conserving water by virtuously turning urine in white powder snow.  Commenting on this situation, the Hopi artist depicts a stylized cone-shaped peak under a foreboding sky.  A skier in the form of the Hopi clown, Kossa, is blithely gliding down the slope.  Kossa wears stripes like a convict, white and black and his face is painted in similar stripes under his ski goggles.  He has absurd tendril-like horns protruding from his head.  The picture shows him about to negligently ski right into the mouth of a huge water serpent, Paalolokon, a writhing figure that looks like the big serpent in the Laocoon (and seems to have a similar name; I haven’t duplicated the umlauts over the first two “o’s”.) Nearby, some mortar-shaped snow-makers belch clouds of yellow snow into the air.  The label describes the subject of the painting.  But I don’t know how the dispute was resolved.  


13.

Fire haunts this area.  As I drive down the hill on the broad curving highway leading into town, I see some flashing lights.  A cop car is parked near a pickup truck engulfed in flame.  Big orange coils of fire writhe out from underneath the truck’s chassis.  The cop stands by his squad car, helpless and watching the blaze as if befuddled.  The orange blast of fire is bright against the dying day.


14.

In a park with green lawns groomed between erect, statuesque ponderosa pine, some thigh-high walls are knit together with CCC-era mortar.  The low walls form a grid across the mountain meadow.  The round brow of the mountain rises overhead.  This is Elden Pueblo, a Sinagua house consisting of about  60 rooms.  The village site, dating from 1000 to about 1250, is very close to old Highway 66 (now named 89), within a stone’s throw of the traffic coursing in and out of Flagstaff.


The place is peaceful, shapely field-stone stacked in a matrix of cement-like mortar. There’s no scatter of fallen blocks, no trace of any pottery or artifacts.  The bones are all picked-clean here.  A photo from the late twenties shows the grid of walls already stabilized and rational, a schematic diagram of a dwelling laid out across the meadow.  An anthropologists from the Smithsonian Institute excavated 35 rooms here in 1926.  The objects unearthed were sent to Washington. This upset the local people who petitioned that the pueblo be federally protected – it lies on government land in Coconino National Forest.  For a time, the network of walls was part of a trading post, a good location because the site is next to the highway.  The foundations of the trading post were built with left-over stone from the pueblo.  But, after the business failed in the Depression, the stone was restored to the remains of the walls and, ultimately, the site fell under the protection of the Forest Service.


A rich collection of objects imported from the Gulf of California and old Mexico, including macaws, show that the pueblo was a trading center.  Informational signs at the ruin display a plump pig-shaped figurine with an open mouth that seems to be barking like a dog – the little object is thought to be a pregnant antelope, possibly an ensign of the “Antelope Society”, a religious cult that exists even today among the Hopi.  But who knows?  It’s equally possible that the small figurine, the size of a child’s fist, was a toy or some sort of bibelot, a whimsical curio that may have decorated a bench in someone’s small room.  The Smithsonian archaeologist, Dr. Jesse Walter Fewkes, kept the effigy antelope in a small wooden box under his bed at the hotel in downtown Flagstaff where he stayed.  He recognized that the artifact was not made by the Sinagua people who lived in the pueblo, but traded to them by Pueblo Indians who fashioned these kinds of ceramics (technically Leupp black-on-white) at their villages sixty or seventy miles away.  The present-day whereabouts of the figurine aren’t obvious to me.  However, it seems that the artifact may have ended up in the Smithsonian, contributing to the consternation of the local people who wanted things like this kept in Flagstaff.  


Misinformation and a haze of unknowing surrounds the ruins.  The so-called “Winona meteorite” is supposed to have been unearthed at the Elden Pueblo.  This is untrue.  The meteorite was discovered wrapped in a cloth and interred like an infant burial at another Sinagua site about five miles away.  (The meteorite, like the antelope ceramic, is no longer around to be seen – when meteorite, a stony mass weighing about 54 pounds was lifted from its grave, the thing crumbled into tiny pieces.)  Two skeletons were reputedly found in a burial mound at the Elden Pueblo.  But this is also questionable.  The so-called burial mound seems to be just spoil dirt heaped up in the 1920's during the Fewkes’ excavation.  When the spoil mound was cut through, the foundations of more stone walls were found beneath it, pretty clearly establishing that the “burial” mound was no such thing.  Accordingly, the original burial location of the skeletons is uncertain and no one seems to know exactly what happened to the bones.  


When you visit ruined villages of this sort, signs invite you to imagine the place when it was lively with people: women grinding corn, old men making arrowheads and lance-points, children playing while tired warriors returned from the hunt shouldering deer shot in the forests.  I must be defective when it comes to imagination.  When I close my eyes, or think about these ruins, nothing really comes to mind.  The intrigue and glamor of such places is that they are mysterious and, in some fundamental way, unimaginable – the topless walls and the shallow cell-shaped pits and the square kivas dug into the hard ground are sufficient for me.  Adding imaginary people, barking dogs, children’s laughter, the gossip of women bent over grinding stones...this is something that I can’t really achieve.   


15.

Satchmo’s turns out to be a block beyond the Vietnamese café, a little square hut that looks like it was previously a chiropractor’s clinic or a realtor’s office.  There’s a big painting of Louis Armstrong blowing his cornet, cheeks puffed out like a renaissance or baroque image of the Boreas, the north wind.  People are dining in booths in a small room and door-dash drivers come and go.  Barbecue is good but expensive.  A meal for one with some nondescript potato salad comes to 42 dollars.  For another 25 dollars, you can buy a souvenir tee-shirt.  New Orleans’ jazz, Dixieland style, plays over the sound system.  I take my food home and eat it in the motel room under the spinning disco ball.

Road Trip -- Flagstaff to Scottsdale

 Road Trip - Flagstaff to Scottsdale



1.

A little after eight in the morning on a bright day, I leave the Americana Motorlodge in Flagstaff, take the freeway south for five miles or so, and, then, exit on a two-lane to descend to Sedona through Oak Creek Canyon.  The ponderosa forests of the plateau are split by the gorge, at first a deep green rift bathed in shadow with dark stone towers brooding overhead.  The road twists and turns, dropping into a narrow fissure crowded with fallen boulders and a stream lunging downward.  Now and then, I pass Coconino National Forest campgrounds, tenting sites in the gloom among forts of scrambled boulders.  The canyon descends for a long way and, then, I am on a narrow shelf overlooking a reservoir locked in the rocks, more steep hills falling in steps to the canyon floor under huge angelic wings of red, feathered stone.  At the base of the gorge, businesses are crowded around some traffic semaphores and, then, I take the road west from the intersection, past the expensive spas and restaurants and the New Age shops, through more red rocks warm and slick-looking above and, at last, at the bottom of the Mogollon rim in the arid, desolate Verde valley.  Lots of people live here – the sides of the mountains are dotted with white and grey subdivisions, town homes and single residence neighborhoods clinging to the bare slopes and, about every quarter mile, there is a stoplight, strip malls and bunker-shaped churches lining the boulevard.  At the lowest point in the valley, between mountain ranges, it’s a suburban wasteland, half wilderness and desert, the other half construction debris, parking lots, fast food places, abandoned truck-trailers in places too dry even for cactus.   The road that I follow runs southeast and, after a dozen miles, the trailer courts and apartment buildings have fallen behind me, and the steep slopes are green with pine once more.  Big buttes with palisades rise over the road that ascends again, corkscrewing up onto the plateau once more.  A few miles from Payson, there’s a forest road to the Tonto Natural Bridge, a state park at the bottom of another deep canyon cut into the side of the plateau.


The road down to the park is very steep – it’s an 18 to 20% downgrade.  The pinon clinging to the sides of the gorge are contorted, twisted and deformed by hardship and drought.  The steep descent pulls you down toward the rooftops of a curious-looking structure, perhaps, an old resort hotel with outbuildings next to a toll-booth at the state park’s entrance.  This is all directly below you, viewed from a bird’s eye vantage, as you come down the steep grade toward a broad grassy meadow rolling across the bottom of the canyon. I don’t see any natural bridge.  The canyon walls are sheer, with jagged palisades, and there seems to be a kind of green, tree-lined ravine at the edge of the meadow.  


People are strolling in small groups on sidewalks crisscrossing the meadow and there are some pit toilets next to the sun-burnt fields where dogs are dashing back and forth.  I take the one-way lane next to the broad, flat tongue of the terrace in the canyon.  The cliffs close together to the southwest, forming a stone funnel at the outlet of the canyon onto some parched rolling hills below .


The curious thing about the Tonto Natural Bridge is that the feature is, more or less, invisible.  There’s really no vantage from the meadow filling the gorge from which to see the formation and, in fact, it’s not intuitively obvious even where it is to be found.  The bridge is hidden because it is, in effect, a sort of cavern, a colossal sinkhole through which a stream has bored a hole.  The entire canyon seems to have been once part of a travertine cave system, fallen now onto the underground river that previously coursed through the grotto.  In a literal sense, the natural bridge is under your feet, concealed below the dome of rock that earlier enclosed the stream.  In Utah and other places in the Southwest (for instance, Sedona), the natural bridges are wind-sculpted and airy formations, arching up over the landscape.  Here, the formula is reversed.  The natural bridge is the outlet of cavern pierced by a slender, if persistent, trickle of water.    It’s not above you but below.


Several viewpoints have been designated from which to view the bridge from the flat terrace of domesticated meadow spread out across the canyon bottom.  The distribution of these viewpoints accessed by short trails doesn’t make an immediate sense – how can the bridge be in several locations simultaneously?-- although as it happens, the perspectives triangulate on the big, ragged mouth cut through the rock supporting the meadow.  The only obvious way to see the feature is to descend several hundred feet into the narrow gorge incised around the edge of the meadow.  The way down is steep, assisted by some daunting stairs mounted against the crumbling walls of the fissure.  At the bottom, the space is claustrophobic with a stony streambed trapped between rocky bluffs and, even, at that point, the bridge hides itself.  A hundred yards down the trail along the creek, the path turns sharply and the bridge comes into view.  In fact, it is cave opening, a hundred feet high, all clogged at its base by fallen rocks the size of mini-vans.  Inside the arch of the cave’s mouth, the ground slopes upward at a 45 degree angle toward an oblong window cut through the rock plateau.  Most notably, two silver threads of water, coruscating in the sunlight, stream from the rim of the canyon above the cave’s mouth, twin falls that shower the boulders at the opening’s threshold.  A large family has descended the steps and trail to the entrance to the grotto and they are scrambling around among the rockfall, clambering on the inclined planes of stone above the slender ray of the creek toppling downhill.  Voices echo.  I suppose its “reckless play” of the kind now endorsed by Wichita educators.  


I climb back out of the gorge, pausing on the switchbacks and landings on the steps.  It’s an arduous ascent but I make it to the top.  A small trail leads through some brush to a vantage over the bridge formation.  I walk to the end of the trail, crane my neck to look down into the pit below me, but can only see the edge of the cave’s opening.  Another vantage, on the opposite side of the valley, provides a better look at the natural bridge.  From this perspective, the feature looks like a square-cut quarry hewn into the bottom of the creek bed, a sinkhole opening downward to a small arch through which the stream is skipping and dancing.  


This place has another weird feature.  On the edge of the flat meadow, across a broad sidewalk, another short trail dips into the scrub, only thirty feet or so, and, then, points downward to a sheer metal stairway pressed tight against the edge of gorge cut into the side of the canyon’s bottom.  At the base of the stairway a rainy trail runs along a rock face that is oozing water, streams splashing down from above, wet veins of seep slicing through dense mats of moss growing on the cliff.  Some people are standing in the spray drizzling down onto them.  The trail is trampled mud and water courses over it, slipping in braided streams down to the creek.  


The travertine bridge in Pine Canyon, as it is named, was supposedly discovered in 1877 by a Scotsman named David Gowan.  The legend is that Gowan was pursued by Apaches, narrowly escaped, and stumbled onto the natural bridge, hiding for three days in the grotto while the war party searched for him.  It’s an appealing story but, probably, not true.  In fact, written records show that three prospectors found the place and, then, told Gowan about it.  Gowan built a log cabin near the cave and lived there for part of the year.  By 1890, people were traveling to see the feature and, so, the hotel was built in the bottom of the canyon, at the base of a hair-raising trail descending from the rim – in places, wagons had to be tethered to winches to be lowered down to the meadow.  The site was owned by successors to the original pioneer families until 1986 when the property was acquired by the State of Arizona for use as a park.  The old hotel was renovated although I’m not sure it is being used as a lodging at this time.  


2.

It’s all downhill to Scottsdale.  The Bee-line Highway tilts down from the Mogollon Ridge through a hellish landscape of high, naked peaks slit by bone-dry canyons, stony gorges too dry to even support saguaro or prickly pear.  Ridges brood over shattered rock, crowned with jagged basalt palisades and there are strange pinnacles and box-shaped buttes in dead valleys.  The whole land is a vast, burning mausoleum, vibrating with heat even in March.  The desolation is astounding, like some vision of the end of the world, a scorpion landscape with scarcely the space of a sidewalk or lawn level, everything tilting upward or downward with great striations of layered rock exposed, the bowels of earth it seems ripped out and scattered between the pyramids of hot stone.  


Then, there’s a reservoir, a stoplight, and Scottsdale, cupped in the hollow between two yellow peaks.




Saturday, May 10, 2025

Road Trip 5 -- in Phoenix

 


Road Trip 5 – in Phoenix



1.

Julie asks me to buy her an Indian pot.  


According to a Phoenix life-style weekly, “the best place in the valley to buy Indian art” is at the Heard Museum of the American Indian.  So I find my way to the museum, look at the exhibits and, then, walk across the Spanish-style courtyard to the annex where Indian arts and crafts are on sale.


The museum is chaotic, galleries haphazardly arranged around several small courtyards.  To reach some exhibits, you must walk for hundreds of feet through chilly corridors in which the adjacent galleries are all closed.  Grandiloquent flights of marble steps lead to a second floor where most of the rooms are cold and dark.  The core exhibits near the entrance are installed in dark galleries that lead nowhere; you end up walking in circles, encountering the same artifacts over and over again.  A special show displays yard-high dolls with elaborate jewelry and regalia.  There are cases full of pots and a dark, spooky gallery in which kachinas grimace and posture, half-crouched as if dancing with bent knees in the gloom.  These objects, all beaked and feathery like taxidermied birds, were collected by Barry Goldwater, erstwhile Arizona senator and candidate for president.  (According to a wall label, the kachinas appear to admonish people to right conduct, that is, to not be ughopi – that is, “not Hopi”.)  In the middle of this maze, there’s a woven basket in which a stick man raises his hands up in a “don’t shoot” gesture at the center of labyrinth of forking paths – this is a culture-hero to the Tohono O’odham, the so-called “man in the maze” pattern, an image, it seems, of the human condition.


On the second floor, at the end of a hallway that crooks around a courtyard, there’s a continuing exhibition on Federal Indian Schools.  This is a show which I’ve seen during previous visits to the Heard Museum – it has remained on display for, at least, five years.  The subject of Federal Indian Schools is relevant and close to home in the Valley.  A principal thoroughfare in Scottsdale, unavoidable if you drive in that part of the city, is called Indian School Road.  The exhibit is melancholy but balanced.  Not all Indian children experienced the schools as unmitigated misery and cultural deprivation.  In fact, many graduates of these schools have fond memories of their time at these places.  There are big murals of marching bands and successful basketball teams.  And, in fact, the schools gathered together Native American children from many disparate tribes, resulting in a sort pan-Indian ethnic consciousness that has had important political and social implications.  But, of course, there was abuse, cruelty, and loneliness.  In one case, there are child-sized handcuffs, supposedly used to detain unruly students.  The provenance of the baby handcuffs is a bit unclear and the label evinces slight skepticism as to whether the object is real or some kind of sinister toy.  One hopes that the handcuffs aren’t authentic.


An important figure in the Indian School show is Angel De Cora.  Winnebago (or Ho-Chunk), she was born in the small village of Thurston, Nebraska on the reservation.  Her father was a chief and her mother a French woman.  A White man came to the village and asked the six-year-old girl if she and her friends wanted to ride on a “steam wagon” – that is, on a railroad car.  She agreed and, on that ruse, was taken for three years to an Indian School.  When she finally returned home to Nebraska, her father had died and she wrote in her memoirs that “the old Indian ways were gone.”  De Cora was a talented artist.  She trained at the Chicago Art Institute and became a special protegee to the illustrator Howard Pyle who pronounced her a genius.  She had been educated at Smith College, an elite women’s liberal arts college at Northhampton, Massachusetts and, later, taught art at the famous Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania.  (There she first encountered “Lone Star” Dietz, a team-mate of Jim Thorpe, whom she later married after meeting him again at the St. Louis World’s Fair.  “Lone Star” Dietz, despite claiming to be half-Dakota, was probably a full-blooded German; Dietz had attended Macalester College in St. Paul, Minnesota before transferring to the Carlisle Indian School, probably for the purpose of playing football on scholarship.  Dietz, a controversial figure, was indicted for draft-dodging in December 1918 – he had claimed exemption from the draft on the basis of registering as a “Non-Citizen - Indian with allotment”.  A trial in Spokane, Washington in Federal Court resulted in a hung jury; after a second trial, Dietz was convicted and spent 30 days in jail.  The legal issue was not whether Dietz was Native American but whether he reasonably believed himself to be an Indian notwithstanding the fact that he was not.  Dietz successfully coached football both professionally and for college teams through the late thirties; he also was an artist and exhibited with some success.  He is buried under a headstone that says “William ‘Lone Star’ Dietz born in South Dakota” – in fact, he was born in Rice Lake, Wisconsin.)  De Cora taught at the Indian School in Scottsdale for several years and was warmly remembered by her students.  She divorced Dietz in 1919 and went to visit friends in Northhampton associated with Smith College.  There she contracted pneumonia and died.  There is a small museum featuring some of her colorful paintings in Thurston, Nebraska on the Winnebago reservation.  At that museum, she is heralded as an artist, art teacher, and “boarding school survivor.”


One of the large paintings installed in the Boarding School show is by Jane Ash Poitras, a Cree artist born in 1951 in Fort Chipewyan, Alberta, Canada.  The painting, “The Family Blackboard”, has a dense surface texture.  It’s top half depicts a blackboard on which the letter “a” is written several times as a handwriting exercise.  The lower part of the picture is a collage, a Victorian-era family portrait embedded in a matrix of colorful paint, red and black fields of pigment into which there are scratched pictographic forms, squatting figures and game animals.  The picture depicts the collision between Native American cultural practices, the boarding school regime, and conventional European family traditions – it’s an impressive work, sufficiently ideological to be fashionable, but not so politically correct as to be uninteresting.  (In general, Poitras’ collage technique coupled with impressive figurative oil painting, is reminiscent of Rauschenberg or Larry Rivers or Dadaists like Kurt Schwitters, all artists that she studied when she was a graduate student at Columbia; Poitras is very well-educated – she also has a degree in microbiology from the University of Alberta.)  Fifteen or twenty years ago, my wife Julie met her at the Split Rock Writing Conference in Duluth.  Julie attended the writing seminar with her friend, Pam.  After attending her presentation, Julie and Pam went downtown for drinks with Poitras. The artist cadged cigarettes off my wife and her friend and demanded that they buy her drinks.  She was aggressive and argumentative, possibly because she was very drunk.  She suggested that everyone that she encountered was a potential sexual partner: “everyone wants to fuck the shaman,” she maintained.  Maybe, Jane Ash Poitras represents the rebellious opposite to the staid, somewhat conventional artist Angel De Cora – but both women were the victims and beneficiaries of their identity as Native American artists.  Poitras is famous and has several enormous works in the Royal Ontario Museum – one is a triptych 25 feet long and nine feet tall.  De Cora was similarly famous in her time, the most celebrated Indian artist at the turn of the 20th century, although she is now largely forgotten. De Cora attended a residential boarding school and suffered there, although the experience made her into an artist.  Poitras never attended boarding school.  After her mother died of tuberculosis when she was six years old, Poitras was raised in Edmonton by an “elderly German woman” (as per Wikipedia).  Ethnic identity is central to the work of both artists and the basis for their fame, although this is also a sort of prison – both of these artists are good enough to be admired on their own merits and not merely as a specimen Native Americans.  


2.

The Indian art store is across the plaza in front of the museum.  The plaza is enclosed by shops and administrative offices with an old Spanish fountain at its center surrounded by iron filigree café tables.  On one side of courtyard, you can buy coffee and pastries and books about Native Americans.  Several slippery-looking palo verde trees with reptilian green bark stand in bucket-shaped depressions in the paving stones. The art gallery is opposite, near the street so that an entrance can remain open when the museum is closed. The place is brightly lit with glowing display cases and glass counters showing silver and turquoise jewelry.  It’s hushed and smells like credit cards, a faint perfumed aura around the crisp no-scent-at-all of plastic.  Middle-aged matrons attend on customers; they are dressed like well-groomed and prosperous real estate agents.  


For the most part, prices aren’t displayed.  This is the sort of establishment where, if you have to ask the price, you shouldn’t be shopping here.  It’s scarier to me than the ragged canyons with their shocking depths and funnel-shaped pits full of loose gravel.  If you slip and fall here, among the glass boxes and the mirrors in which to model your jewelry purchases, there’s nothing to keep you from skidding into the abyss, no sapling, no tangle of roots to grip to remain upright.  


I study the wares.  Everything is very expensive with a special surcharge for White guilt based on colonialist oppression and breach of treaty factored into the prices.  A small seed pot is elegantly painted, the lower register decorated with zigzag and step patterns.  A little hunch-backed kokopelli flute player bends forward, leaning in the direction of the music he is making.  (Some surmise that the kokopelli figure, ubiquitous in the Great Basin, represents cicada insects singing unseen in the leafy ash trees and cottonwoods along waterways.) I also buy a Zuni fetish, a smooth polished block of crystal cut to resemble a bear with tiny ruby-red eyes.  These are small items, charismatic, made by artists who are, no doubt, convinced that “everyone wants to fuck the shaman.”  


The sales lady carefully embeds my purchases in a cotton and swaddles the gift boxes in bubble wrap.  I escape with my loot like a robber, casting furtive glances back at the curio shop.


Outside, some front-end loaders are laboring to move parts of metal booths remaining from the powwow and intertribal craft show sponsored by the museum over the preceding weekend.  The loaders growl like bears.  It’s overcast, cool for Phoenix at this time of year but feels like mid-May in Minnesota, air fragrant with flower blossoms but sneezy also with pollen, soft breezes bearing bouquets of birdsong.


3.

The Zuni are traditionally reticent with respect to their religious practices and mythology.  Fetishes have been made for the tourist market since the late 1890's but the ritual use and meaning of these small sculptures, examples of arte mobiliar that fit in the palm of your hand, remains obscure.


The chief informant on this subject is Frank Hamilton Cushing, an anthropologist who published a study on Zuni fetishes in the Smithsonian ethnology proceedings in 1881.  Cushing was a colorful figure, probably the first anthropologist to engage in what is called “participant observation.”  (Bronislaw Malinowski is generally credited with pioneering this type of anthropology, that is, joining the tribe to the extent possible and engaging in their religious and other rituals – but Malinowski’s work with the Trobiand islanders was thirty years after Cushing lived with the Zuni.)  Cushing traveled to Las Vegas, New Mexico and, then, lived at the Zuni pueblo in that place for five years.  During that time, he was adopted into the tribe, assigned parents, and inducted into a warrior society, the Priesthood of the Bow.  There are photographs of Cushing wearing traditional Zuni clothing – he is a rail-thin dashing young man who looks remarkably like Robert Louis Stevenson.  Zunis wore garments like Mexican vaqueros – in effect, Cushing is dressed as a gay caballero, with fringed buckskin shirt, a bandana on his brow, and trousers studded with silver or brass ornaments.  (Cushing looked so good in the costume that the great artist, Thomas Eakins, painted him in this garb.)


Cushing’s presence was problematic among the Zuni.  Some of the traditionalists plotted to murder him. Many thought he was snooping into the tribe’s business and customs in an unseemly way.  However, later, when the territorial governor of New Mexico tried to seize Zuni lands, Cushing publicly opposed the land grab, creating publicity that blocked the proposed transactions.  This led to government pressure on the Smithsonian to recall Cushing from New Mexico.


The Smithsonian reassigned Cushing to studies of the Hopi tribe.  Again, Cushing insinuated himself into the clans at Oraibi (the oldest continuously occupied place in the United States).  This led to a schism between Hopi traditionalists and those willing to cooperate with Cushing.  Strife at Oraibi led to Cushing being recalled from that study as well.  At 42, Cushing choked to death on a fish-bone, much to the satisfaction of both the Hopi and Zuni traditionalists.  The sudden and untimely death of the anthropologist caused Cushing’s native enemies to claim that his demise was punishment inflicted upon him by supernaturals outraged by his disclosures of their secrets.


Julie’s Zuni fetish, a spirit bear carries on his shoulder a small turquoise medicine bundle.  The bundle seems to be strapped the creature’s spine.  According to Cushing’s informants, the bear is the “Prey God” of the western realm.  (The Zuni imagine space as being divided into six realms, the four cardinal directions as well as “above” and “below.”) At the heart of the western kingdom there is a blue mountain and, on that peak, the bear reigns.


4.

I’m in town as a member of the Board of Directors for a captive insurance company.  The proceedings involve a three-hour meeting and meals with the other Directors;


We feast at the Capitol Grill.  It’s a huge dimly lit restaurant dimly lit.  Above the heads of the diners, bent over their food in the greenish underwater gloom, yellow lights illumine a painting.  Rubicund, with sandy blonde hair and wearing black horn-rimmed spectacles, Barry Goldwater, the great friend of the kachinas, hangs over the tables where people are eating.